Child Protection Case Management (CP CM) is part of the essential services that cannot be stopped suddenly, but which requires adaptation to the new emergency.This includes the Best Interest Procedure (BIP) in refugee settings. With many schools and childcare facilities closed, increased caregiver stress, and crowded living spaces where families are confined, children are at heightened risk of abuse, neglect, and exploitation. In addition, children may experience the death of their caregiver or may be separated from their families for multiple reasons, including public health containment measures associated with COVID-19. As these risks are often hidden and out of sight within communities, it can become even more difficult to identify vulnerable children without visits or other forms of follow-up by caseworkers due to new COVID-19-related restrictions. Thus, continued support for the most urgent cases within the existing caseload must be available through adapted measures, along with appropriate responses for new child protection risks and concerns generated by the pandemic. This document builds on existing response action from several countries and case management task force agencies. It provides considerations for adapting CP CM interventions to the COVID-19 pandemic and to better understand the important role of case management in the emergency.

The overall objective of this Framework Document is to strengthen cooperation between IOM and UNHCR with respect to the identification, referral, protection and assistance of victims of trafficking. Specifically, this document intends to encourage the development of standard operating procedures (SOP) between IOM and UNHCR at field level, and suggests a procedure for cooperation to ensure that the available expertise, capacities, and potential of each organization are effectively employed and coordinated to deliver the best possible protection and assistance for victims of trafficking.The Framework Document highlights key areas for coordination and cooperation that are global in nature and should be adapted to particular operational contexts.This document updates the former IOM-UNHCR Framework Document on Developing Standard Operating Procedures to Facilitate the Protection of Trafficked Persons, developed in 2009.

Almost half of the total number of migrant workers in the world today are women. It is important to acknowledge that labour migration may benefit them through economic and socio-cultural empowerment, however, due to their dual vulnerability as migrants and women, they are still disproportionately exposed to a variety of risks arising from their mobility. At every stage of their migratory experience, women migrant workers may be more exposed to human rights violations such as discrimination, exploitation and abuse compared to their male counterparts. This publication presents the approach IOM takes toward the protection and empowerment of women migrant workers. By displaying key IOM activities in that area, the report seeks to better inform policy makers, practitioners and the public of the vulnerability of these women and of good practices for the protection of their human rights throughout the labour migration cycle.

Since its inception in 2002, the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime (Bali Process) has effectively raised regional awareness of the consequences of people smuggling, trafficking in persons and related transnational crime, and also developed and implemented strategies and practical cooperation in response. More than 45 member countries and international organizations, as well as a number of observer countries and international agencies, participate in this voluntary forum. At the Fifth Bali Process Regional Ministerial Conference in April 2013, Ministers agreed that policy guides be developed to assist policy makers and practitioners to criminalize people smuggling and trafficking in persons. Ministers directed that the Regional Support Office (RSO), in consultation with interested members, develop guides for States to enable a range of domestic agencies to promote a consistent understanding of international legal obligations, and to assist in the development of effective domestic legislation. Further to this direction, the RSO established a drafting committee of experts from Bali Process Member States and international organizations to develop the policy guides.The policy guides are voluntary, non-binding and intended for use as reference tools by a range of domestic agencies in Bali Process Member States. In order to keep these policy guides short, practical and user-friendly, they focus on how to effectively criminalize migrant smuggling and trafficking in persons in domestic law. Issues of protection and assistance to smuggled and trafficked persons have been addressed within the thematic scope of the guides, but it is expected that these issues may be more comprehensively addressed by future policy guides. In line with the recommendations of the Fifth Ministerial Conference in April 2013, these policy guides are the first set of Bali Process Policy Guides falling within the thematic areas of the Bali Process and on issues of particular concern to Bali Process members.

Global assessments suggest that a substantial proportion of labour migrants ends up in situations of extreme exploitation, some of whom are identified as victims of human trafficking. Because large numbers of migrant workers fall into a “grey area” between trafficking (as defined by international and national law) and exploitative labour situations, there is good reason to explore the differences and similarities between the health needs of those who have been identified as trafficked compared to other migrants working in the same labour sector who have not. It is urgent to understand present-day occupational health and safety risks, forms of abuse and exploitation in different sectors and common hazardous working and living conditions to improve prevention and response strategies. This is among the first studies to explore and compare the influence of occupational and other risk exposures on people’s health and well-being and compare the experiences of migrant workers and victims of trafficking across sectors and regions. Our multiregion qualitative study on exploitation and harm experienced by individuals in the textile sector in Argentina, and artisanal gold-mining in Peru and construction sector in Kazakhstan, found important commonalities in the health hazards and financial, social and legal challenges across sectors and regions. In total, we interviewed 71 people; of these, 18 were formally identified victims of trafficking and 53 were migrant workers.

This paper is part of the IOM Migration Research Leaders Syndicate’s contribution toward the Global Compact for Migration. It is one of 26 papers that make up a consolidated Syndicate publication, which focuses on proposing ways to address complex and pressing issues in contemporary international migration. The Migration Research Leaders Syndicate, convened as part of IOM’s efforts to extend policy and technical expertise in support of the Global Compact for Migration, comprises senior researchers from diverse geographic, disciplinary and thematic backgrounds. The Syndicate provides a channel for leading experts in migration to propose ideas to meet the ambitious goals outlined in the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants of September 2016.

Migrant smuggling is seen as antithetical to safe, orderly and regular migration. In fact, the fight against migrant smuggling stands out as a point of agreement in an otherwise fractured policy field. This apparent unity obscures disparate motivations for counter-smuggling measures. Traditionally, concerns about illegal work and residence have been prominent. More recently, the fight against migrant smuggling is also driven by states’ desire to minimize the obligations that follow from the 1951 refugee convention. These are just two out of eight motivations identified in the paper.The eight motivations for counter-smuggling efforts differ with respect to explicitness and legitimacy.Insufficient clarity of purpose makes it more challenging to develop a sound response.Counter-smuggling strategies can be divided between those that seek to suppress the supply of smuggling services and those that seek to suppress demand. The conventional law-enforcement approach concentrates on curbing supply. Sustainable solutions are only possible with a reduced demand for migrant smuggling services. But demand-oriented policy approaches go to the heart of migration management and raise political, legal, economic, and ethical dilemmas.

International migration is at the core of the international debate. However, while a major part of the discussions focus on migration policies in receiving countries, it is important to recall that most people are not willing to migrate permanently to another country. It is thus crucial that policymakers also support those who prefer to remain in their communities of origin to resist the migration pressure they may be facing. Consequently, this analysis aims first to identify what drives this migration pressure, and second to formulate a set of recommendations to support those communities. With regard to the drivers, evidence suggests that, contrary to a common belief, poverty reduction will not necessarily alleviate migration pressure. Reducing poverty is an aim, per se, no matter its effect on migration. However, it is not a panacea, and other factors explaining the migration pressure should be considered. The urge to move can be due to the fact that potential migrants, in particular those willing to migrate illegally, tend to formulate biased expectations about their earnings and living conditions abroad. For people who have not moved yet, expectations from the migration experience are often based upon perceptions of the living conditions of their families and relatives who migrated. Those relatives – through their remittances and the status their families that are left behind acquire within the communities – can lead some to think that success is guaranteed with migration. This in turn can spark the desire to move at any cost, raising the issue of relative concerns about what matters in the decision to leave. Another possible driver of migration pressure is negative shocks, such as adverse climatic conditions. Climatic factors and natural disasters can lead to more migration if other survival strategies have failed, when the severity of the shocks does not leave any other option than moving, and when people can afford migration costs.